In retrospect, I should have realized something was up from the absence of Democrats at my polling place, aggressively waving campaign flyers urging voters to vote for their candidates.  There weren't any.  We Republican poll-watchers had the usual candidate visits and their volunteers stationed all day at the election districts.  Now we understand their absence.  They weren't needed. 

Two days after the election, the mail-in-ballots we never requested, as reported in my article "Stealing Pennsylvania," arrived — without postmarks!  They arrived too late for us to withdraw the provisional ballots we were forced to cast. 

After another few days, my provisional ballot appeared to have been accepted, but my husband's was not.  Nor was the ballot of my very Republican second cousin, also forced to vote provisionally in a different township but same Democrat-controlled county, due to a mail-in ballot request that she also had never submitted.  Infuriatingly, the Democrats filed to contest over 4,000 votes in our county — my husband's and cousin's among them.  What are the odds that people, who have voted in the same location for over 20 years, would suddenly be suspect? 

Post-election, we also learned that other Republican voters, targets of the same mail-in-ballot request scheme, were actually turned away at their poll location, refused the opportunity to vote.  The Democrats stole those votes.  

Every polling place in Pennsylvania is required to have a prescribed number of paid poll workers to run the election.  In addition, each poll has elected committee people — one male and one female from each major party.  On each Election Day, these unpaid officials keep track of who voted; contact those who haven't, urging them to get to the poll and vote; and promote their party's candidates in the months leading up to the election.  

I have been a committee woman for over twenty years.  Typically, each election cycle, my committee man and I sponsor a "Meet and Greet" cocktail party to introduce our voters to the Republican candidates.  Such a gathering was impossible to hold this cycle due to COVID.  Therefore, I mailed a letter to the 361 registered Republicans and independents in my district, detailing our roster of candidates and reminding them of the address and directions to the changed location of our polling place. 

COVID was blamed for the polling place's changed location, but such a change is classified as voter suppression.  For more than thirty years, the polling place has been housed on the grounds of the condominium complex that contains the majority of voters in the district; it is a short walking commute for these voters.  The new location is almost 2 miles away, necessitating a car ride and parking.  

To-date, 30 of the letters I mailed out have been returned because the addressee is no longer at the location registered on the "current" voter registration street lists.  That's nearing a 10-percent return rate, with many more still to be returned. 

 
Photo by author.

Consider fraud possibilities in the states that mailed out ballots to all registered voters or all listed addresses.  Who had oversight and control of all undelivered mail-in ballots returned to the Election Boards in Pennsylvania?

The three of us have submitted sworn written statements to the Trump Team, with follow-up telephone interviews. 

It is unfathomable why Pennsylvania's long established, controlled, and trusted absentee ballot system wasn't used instead.

Two weeks post-election, on November 17, In a 5-2 decision voting along party lines, the Democrat-controlled Pennsylvania Supreme Court ruled that Republican poll-watchers only have to be present at each poll; they don't have to be allowed the opportunity to actually see the ballots being counted.  Once again, the Democrats have shown their intent to ignore the will of the people. 

Will they get away with it?

Lynne Lechter is a practicing litigator, business, and international attorney in Philadelphia.