Hillary Clinton's Democrats are now three-time losers, having lost the election, lost the recounts, and lost the electoral college, but the Republicans will be winners in 2020 only if they keep their promises.

Michael Goodwin, writing at the New York Post, says of the Democrats' blame game and mischief-making:

Because they are doomed to fail, we could be witnessing the death throes of the Democratic Party as we know it. With Obama and the Clintons encouraging the attempted theft of an election they lost and failing to denounce intimidation and death threats against Trump electoral voters, most Americans have reason to consider the Dems a dead letter.

The only way to keep the Democrats a dead letter, however, is for the Republicans, President-Elect Trump specifically, to succeed:

Yet the final verdict on 2016 depends on Trump's performance as president. If he delivers "jobs, jobs, jobs" and peace-through-strength abroad, he will forge a new governing consensus and remake the political landscape.

Goodwin describes the multitude of challenges ahead, both international and domestic, for the new president, but also observes:

Against that dark reality, it is reasonable to worry the nation is on the verge of a crack-up. But there is also a possibility that America is on the verge of a new greatness.

It's up to Trump. The ultimate outsider and a historic disrupter, he bears some responsibility for the polarization. But victory presents him with an opportunity to make government work for the people, instead of the other way around.

Trump must not only keep his promises to his supporters, but he must also prevail over the detractors and critics in his own party.

Chief among those critics has been the establishment wing of the Republican Party.  John Fund, writing at National Review, contends, "Trump's temperament cost him upscale Republican voters in key suburbs," and:

... [t]o solidify his reelection chances, he will have to overcome their doubts with policy successes that assuage their concerns about his rough edges.

Fund focuses on the Bush family as a source and a symptom of his lack of support among the Washington insider wing of his party:

Much of Trump's weakness with upscale, suburban Republicans can be traced to the hostility of the Bush family. They viewed Trump's primary victory as a hostile takeover of the party they had long dominated[.]

The Fund piece recounts the "no" votes against Trump from both Bush presidents, along with two open letters signed during the presidential campaign by various former Bush administration officials, declaring that Mr. Trump is "not qualified for office" and would be a "reckless president."

Fund quotes from Trump's statement in response to one letter:

They are nothing more than the failed Washington elite looking to hold on to their power, and it's time they are held accountable for their actions.

Since Trump received no support from the Bush wing of the party, Fund contends that Trump "owes nothing to the 'Bush Barnacles'":

Any other Republican president-elect would have been under enormous pressure to bring in former Bush officials to staff cabinet agencies with safe, don't-rock-the-boat appointees. 

As Fund further notes, Trump has appointed his own "eclectic mix" of high-powered business leaders, retired generals, and "bureaucracy busters."

Rather than appease the Bush Republicans, Fund says, Trump can build on his support from "blue-collar voters":

In keeping with his promises to these supporters, he'll probably aim to renegotiate trade deals without touching off trade wars, clear away barriers to job creation, and reassert American leadership overseas.

For someone who needs to solidify his political standing for 2020, succeeding in those policies would represent the best possible political revenge against the Bushes and his many other critics.

As Mr. Goodwin observes, Trump is nominating "incredibly accomplished individuals" to his cabinet, and "many Republican orthodoxies" are already "being tossed overboard."

Trump's cabinet appointees, from Jeff Sessions at Justice and James Mattis at Defense to Tom Price at Health and Human Services and Scott Pruitt at Environmental Protection, along with many other excellent nominees, are a strong indication that Trump fully intends to do exactly what he said during the campaign.

The president-elect has sent the Clinton dynasty packing, and the Democrats have lost "big-league," as Mr. Trump likes to say.  In thirty days, the Obamas will be in the rearview mirror.

All of that is a pretty good start in itself.